Iebrukt svešā valstī, izlikties, ka tas nemaz nenotiek, nejauši notriekt pasažieru lidmašīnu, visu noliegt, palūgt savai Aizsardzības ministrijai objektīvi paskaidrot negadījumu, sarīkot preses konferenci, pastāstīt, ka pasažieru lainera tuvumā tai pašā augstumā īsi pirms notriekšanas manīts iznīcinātājs Su-25.

1 + 1 = 2

Pirms preses konferences no valdības IP adreses rediģēt informāciju par iznīcinātāju Wikipēdijā, lai uzlabotu tā tehniskās iespējas un tas vispār varētu atrasties tādā augstumā.

2 / 0 = ..

Pašlaik sākas ANO Drošības padomes ārkārtas sēde par Malaizijas Boeing 777 (MH17), to var vērot tiešraidē – webtv.un.org.

Man, protams, patīk jūsu optimisms, taču es ne uz ko lielu no ANO DP (UNSC) un EDSO (OSCE) neceru.
ANO DP jau ilgu laiku ir bez zobiem gan Ukrainas, gan vēl ilgāk – Sīrijas gadījumā, un tam lielākoties ir tikai viens iemesls – Krievijai ir veto tiesības, ko klauns Čurkins arī nekautrējas izmantot. Tas ir pilnīgs absurds, jo kā gan agresoram drīkst būt veto tiesības.. Rezolūcijas, kad tiek pieņemtas, paliek tikai rezolūcijas. Kad netiek, tad Krievija tās ir lepnā vientulībā nobloķējusi. Pat Ķīna dažos kritiskos gadījumos vairs nav atklāti Krievijas pusē, bet gan "neitrāli" atturējusies. Lai tam visam būtu kāda jēga, manuprāt, DP vajag demokrātiju un nevienam nekādas veto tiesības. Taču, lai pieņemtu tādu lēmumu, būs jāsaņem Krievijas piekrišana, tātad – ..
EDSO - kad tas ir izdevīgi, tad Krievija sauc pēc tās novērotājiem, bet citādi – liek tos nolaupīt, tātad – ..

Lai cik ciniski tas nebūtu, es ceru, ka 300 Eiropas un pārējās pasaules pilsoņu bojāeja palīdzēs ātrāk izbeigt karu Ukrainā, ko rietumos izliekas nemanām. Tagad lokāls reģionālais konflikts ir kļuvis par globālu, tieši ietekmējis Eiropas Savienību. Līdz šim adekvāta reakcija uz Krievijas darbībām ir bijusi tikai no Polijas un Baltijas valsīm, taču vecajai Eiropai liekas, ka tas nemaz nav tik nopietni. Vācijai ir ekonomiskās intereses Krievijā. Francijai ir jāpārdod pāris Mistrāli Krievijai. Itālijai arī nav izdevīgi kaut ko ierobežot.

Es neesmu rusofobs vai fašists, taču man nepatīk atrasties blakus tik naidīgam kaimiņam un wannabe impērijai. Var jau runāt, ka tas ir tikai Putins, tikai Lavrovs, ka visi jau Krievijā nav tādi, tomēr pēdējā laikā Putinu atbalsta 86% iedzīvotāju, un man tas neliekas normāli. Tie ir 86%. Tas ir absolūtais vairākums, kas atbalsta svešu teritoriju aneksiju, lai "atjaunotu vēsturisko taisnību", karu ar brālīgajām kaimiņvalstīm pret fašistiem un nacistiem, kuru pirms gada tur nebija. Ja Kremlis tagad netiks apturēts, tas turpinās. Gruzijā to neapturēja, sekoja Krima. Pēc Krimas - Donbass. Pēc tam būs Pārdņestra, tad Narva un Latgale. Kāpēc gan ne, tur ir mūsējie, kurus apspiež.

Kā iespējams 21. gadsimta Eiropā tā tik vienkārši sākt karu? Bez atpazīšanas zīmēm.

Kur ir ES vērtības? Kur ir solītā ES drošība, ja sirdsapziņa karājas gāzes vada galā.

Es negribu karu par mieru, taču Krievija ir jāaptur, vienalga kā, bet jāaptur. Līdzšinējās sankcijas neko nemainīja. Diplomātiju un sarunas tā ignorē, tāpat kā starptautiskās normas un līgumus. Bija taču Budapeštas memorands (!), Ženēvas tikšanās, sankcijas pret indivīdiem. Kaut kas mainījās? Bija novērojama "deeskalācija"? Šonedēļ ASV izlēma par jaunām sankcijām, bet tās nav žņaudzošas. ES, savukārt, nolēma tikai to, ka tā vēl lems par sankcijām. Francijai joprojām gribas pārdot Mistral Krievijai.

Beigu beigās ir beidzot jābūt Nirnbergai 2 – visas pasaules un arī pašas Krievijas labā.

A long simmering dispute between one of your states and your federal government causes political unrest in that state. Armed militias arise, (..). Eventually, they are assisted by foreign adventurers with their own agenda who use that troubled region as a base to launch violent raids against a neighboring state. Lives and property are destroyed -- as a means of expanding the chaos.

They forcibly occupied several communities, terrorizing the inhabitants. The stated goal was to establish a "(..) republic," an idea thoroughly alien to the vast majority of local citizens.

No government can stand idly by when terrorism strikes. It is the solemn duty of all governments to protect their citizens from danger.

Reluctantly, we have intervened. Our immediate aim is to rid of those who threaten the safety of (..) and Russians. We also seek to restore civil society to the (..) people, who have been victims of deprivation, living in the grip of armed criminal gangs for years.

Our commanders have clear instructions to avoid casualties among the general population. We have nothing to gain by doing otherwise. [They], after all, are our citizens too. Our land and air forces strive to target only opposing armed forces. The whole reason we chose accurately targeted strikes on specifically identified terrorist bases was to avoid direct attacks on (..) communities.

Yet in the midst of war, even the most carefully planned military operations occasionally cause civilian casualties, and we deeply regret that.

Refugees fleeing the violence -- many of whom feared that the terrorists would try to use them as ''human shields'' -- have experienced hardship. (..) In brief, we are striving to replace strife and chaos with peace and normal life.

The antiterrorist campaign was forced upon us. Sadly, decisive armed intervention was the only way to prevent further casualties both within and far outside the borders of (..), further suffering by so many people enslaved by terrorists.

But when a society's core interests are besieged by violent elements, responsible leaders must respond. That is our purpose in (..), and we are determined to see it through. The understanding of our friends abroad would be helpful.

Pēc satura var likties, ka teksts ir par Ukrainu un tās īstenoto pretterorisma operāciju valsts austrumos.

Patiesībā tie ir izvilkumi no Vladimira Putina 1999. gada op-ed "Why We Must Act" The New York Times, lai attaisnotu karu Čečenijā.
Viss, par ko Krievija tagad apvaino Ukrainu, bija ļoti pieņemami, kad pati Krievija uzsāka karu pret terorismu, separātismu un mierīgajiem iedzīvotājiem. Starp citu, tā soda ekspedīcijas vēl joprojām turpina Dagestānā.

Youtube: А мы в Украине все Бандеровцы не переживайте

Šodien Briselē Gruzijas, Moldovas un Ukrainas prezidenti parakstīja asociācijas un brīvās tirdzniecības līgumu ar Eiropas savienību. Ukrainas prezidents tam simboliski izmantoja pildspalvu, ar kuru bija plānots parakstīt līgumu Viļņas samita laikā pagājušā gada novembrī, kad Ukrainas prezidents vēl bija Janukovičs. Atgādināsim, ka līguma neparakstīšana toreiz aizsāka revolūciju un vēlāk arī karu Ukrainas austrumos.

Pa to laiku Krievijas prezidents Vladimirs "Hu***" Putins viņam īpaši sagatavotā telpā noskatījās, kā pirmā pēcpadomju Krievijas radītā nesējraķete tā arī šodien nepacēlās gaisā. Nenotikušo startu viņš komentēja īsi, liekot atbildīgajam ģenerālim nesteigties, noskaidrot visus apstākļus un stundas laikā sagatavot ziņojumu.

The unified command of the NATO armed forces and the general staff of the Peoples Liberation Army of China have met in the city of Yekaterinburg and adopted the following declaration:

“’We have been observing the development of the Russian situation for a long time. We had waited for the leadership of this country to stop. But after Crimea followed the annexation of Donetsk and Luhansk, then of all the southeastern regions of Ukraine up to Odessa. Then were united to Russia Belarus, eastern Estonia and Northern Kazakhstan.

‘No one recalled any international agreements. Russia began literally to revive the USSR by joining to itself the territory of the new independent states.

‘The situation began all too clearly to recall that of the era of the Third Reich. Governments at that time also found it impossible to stop that regime and Austria, the Sudenland, Czechoslovakia, Poland and France fell under its sway … More precisely, the Third Reich was stopped only by the forces of a powerful global coalition. And today we have had to repeat this historical experience.

‘Russian imperial ideology must be condemned and banned as the Nazi ideology once was. For this, on the territory of the former Russian Federation, we are creating a regional confederation without a common capital. The Moscow Kremlin is being converted into an historical museum. (..)

And while she conceded that Russia could continue its campaign of subversion, she insisted that in Latvia, “Putin’s influence on ethnic Russians is limited.”

That may all be true, but it may not be sufficient. On the one hand, most ethnic Russians in Ukraine opposed Moscow’s intervention, but that opposition did not block Russia from using a minority within a minority to advance its aims. As the ongoing violence in Ukraine shows, armed minorities can play a serious, even decisive role against more passive majorities.
Does Putin Plan to Test NATO in Latvia? | The Interpreter

The number of such questions which Putin would certainly have found inconvenient could be multiplied at will, Andrey Bilzhko, a Ukrainian journalist, says, but they all point to an even more immediate one: “Why should [ethnic] Russians who are living in the east of Ukraine, who were born there, and who studied there not love their native Ukraine?”

If things are as bad for such people as Moscow insists, why, Blizhko continues, haven’t they left yet or why aren’t they leaving now? Who is it that supposedly is prohibiting them from speaking Russian? “Why precisely now is there such a desire to go to Russia,” while before February 2014, there wasn’t?
Five Inconvenient Questions Putin Wasn’t Asked | The Interpreter

Even in the last two days, despite the images of Ukrainian armored personnel carriers snaking toward the east, there has been nothing doing: The Ukrainians managed to retake one airfield—and lose six APCs to the rebels.
So why is a twice-invaded Ukraine not shooting?
Ukraine Has Been Invaded for a Second Time. So Why Doesn't It Shoot? | New Republic

While all government officials will unite in a hissing of denunciation and denial if anyone says it out loud, there isn’t a lot of appetite in any of the NATO governments west of Poland for military action on the Baltic coast. If Russia moved quickly across a Baltic frontier to ‘liberate’ some ethnic Russians, would NATO send troops to drive the Russians back out? We are no doubt telling the Russians that the frontiers of NATO countries are another one of our now-famous red lines, but Putin may think he knows us better than we know ourselves.
Playing Putin's Game – The American Interest

The Russian attack on Georgia in 2008 set off alarms in the Baltics, which renewed their push to strengthen their defenses. Germany vetoed them and the U.S. concurred. An American diplomat in 2009 called Estonia "paranoid" about Russia, in a confidential cable released by WikiLeaks. Since the outbreak of the Ukraine crisis, Estonian leaders have steered clear of the I-told-you-so's. "I don't get any, unfortunately, thrills out of vindication," says Mr. Ilves. "But we have been told by some of our friends, 'We did think you were paranoid and overreacting and now we think you're right.'"
Matthew Kaminski: An American Ally in Putin's Line of Fire – WSJ.com

Я – русская украинка, экстремистка, бандеровка и националистка.
И мой - уже не теоретический - интерес заключается в том, с каким чувством будет стрелять в меня российский солдат.
С чувством выполненного долга? Глубокого удовлетворения? Печали о том, что я предала великую Россию? Будет стрелять и плакать?
Прости, Россия, и я прощаю – ОстроВ

( šizo )