krishjaanis (![[info]](http://klab.lv/img/userinfo.gif){kind=small} krishjaanis) rakstīja, |
Vienkārši nevajag izplatīt melus par Poliju, tas arī viss http://www.breitbart.com/london/201
"The other issue that KOD has coalesced around to suggest Polish democracy is under attack and their necessity well demonstrated has been over the Constitutional Tribunal. The Tribunal functions as a supreme court and rules on whether legislation is constitutional or not. Three weeks before the elections in October (which was looking exceedingly likely to be a loss for the ruling party) Civic Platform attempted to stack the bench by illegally appointing three new judges to replace three sitting ones before their terms were up.
This Tribunal is also, not surprisingly by statute, supposed to be an apolitical body but under the last government 14 of 15 sitting justices were Civic Platform loyalists. Including ex-communist Chief Justice Andrzej Rzeplinski, who former Prime Minister Leszek Miller, another “ex” communist, accused of “acting like a politician.”
After President Duda refused to swear in the illegally appointed judges, the Law and Justice Party having won the legislature in October and being sworn in the second week of November, appointed their own picks and began to reform the Tribunal which is what catalyzed KOD’s launch.
It is important to note that the tribunal was an unreformed vestige of communist times that was launched in 1986 under the rule of the Soviet designated dictator of Poland, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, to act as a symbol of Westernization during glasnost and perestroika.
But as clearly evidenced by the actions of Rzeplinski, and many of the court’s decisions, including the blocking of the Lustration Law introduced by Law & Justice the last time they led in 2005-7 (which would have made transparent the names and records of all those who collaborated in the crimes of the pre-1989 Communist regime) and the approval of the nationalization of the private sector segment of the pension system (OFE- in order to give PO a freed up sovereign balance sheet allowing them to borrow and spend more ahead of these recent elections), this body served more as “kangaroo court” and a “Potemkin Village” of jurisprudence that allowed criminality to fester during the post-communist times and thus was clearly in need of major reform.
The mainstream Western and Polish media have consistently failed to mention these points in the coverage of the Tribunal reform. By omitting this stacking of the bench before the election they color the coverage as an attack on judicial independence."
"The other issue that KOD has coalesced around to suggest Polish democracy is under attack and their necessity well demonstrated has been over the Constitutional Tribunal. The Tribunal functions as a supreme court and rules on whether legislation is constitutional or not. Three weeks before the elections in October (which was looking exceedingly likely to be a loss for the ruling party) Civic Platform attempted to stack the bench by illegally appointing three new judges to replace three sitting ones before their terms were up.
This Tribunal is also, not surprisingly by statute, supposed to be an apolitical body but under the last government 14 of 15 sitting justices were Civic Platform loyalists. Including ex-communist Chief Justice Andrzej Rzeplinski, who former Prime Minister Leszek Miller, another “ex” communist, accused of “acting like a politician.”
After President Duda refused to swear in the illegally appointed judges, the Law and Justice Party having won the legislature in October and being sworn in the second week of November, appointed their own picks and began to reform the Tribunal which is what catalyzed KOD’s launch.
It is important to note that the tribunal was an unreformed vestige of communist times that was launched in 1986 under the rule of the Soviet designated dictator of Poland, General Wojciech Jaruzelski, to act as a symbol of Westernization during glasnost and perestroika.
But as clearly evidenced by the actions of Rzeplinski, and many of the court’s decisions, including the blocking of the Lustration Law introduced by Law & Justice the last time they led in 2005-7 (which would have made transparent the names and records of all those who collaborated in the crimes of the pre-1989 Communist regime) and the approval of the nationalization of the private sector segment of the pension system (OFE- in order to give PO a freed up sovereign balance sheet allowing them to borrow and spend more ahead of these recent elections), this body served more as “kangaroo court” and a “Potemkin Village” of jurisprudence that allowed criminality to fester during the post-communist times and thus was clearly in need of major reform.
The mainstream Western and Polish media have consistently failed to mention these points in the coverage of the Tribunal reform. By omitting this stacking of the bench before the election they color the coverage as an attack on judicial independence."
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