krishjaanis2 (![[info]](http://klab.lv/img/userinfo.gif){kind=small} krishjaanis2) rakstīja, |
Būtu grūti noticēt, ka to Aplbaumas rakstu tu uztvertu nopietni.
https://www.claremont.org/crb/article/w
"Applebaum, attentive and logical in all her books about Eastern Europe, showed little perspective or sense of context in writing about contemporary political clashes. She denounced the Polish and Hungarian upstarts as a threat to democracy, comparing them to Lenin’s Bolsheviks, Hitler’s Germany, and Apartheid South Africa.
The anti-immigration bent of Poland’s ruling party she described as a sort of collective delusion: “The refugee wave that has hit other European countries has not been felt here at all,” she wrote. But this is wrong. The refugee wave was felt in September 2015 when a government led by Ewa Kopacz of Poland’s Civic Platform (P.O.) party broke from the common position it had agreed with Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, and cast the deciding vote to approve a European Union plan to distribute Merkel’s refugees Europe-wide, including into Poland. A headline in the weekly magazine wSieci showed Kopacz dressed in a burqa, alongside a headline reading: “Ewa Kopacz will follow Germany’s orders and ensure we live in hell.” At elections a month later, P.O. lost a third of its seats. Its despised rivals, the PiS, were given an absolute majority on the strength of a promise (thus far kept) to resist plans for the importation of Germany’s migrants into Poland. Orbán, similarly, holds great power in Hungary not because he “respects no restraints of any kind,” as Applebaum would have it, but because he has won three consecutive democratic elections by wide margins, including a historic rout in 2010 that provided him with a legislative majority large enough to rewrite the constitution. If the rise of the PiS and of Fidesz is a problem, it is a problem of democracy, not for democracy.
Those who succeed in the freewheeling, global-capitalist economy are understandably eager to import its rules into republican politics, where they can be illogical and corrosive. Applebaum’s mistake was to misapply the word “democracy” to a set of capitalist virtues that relate to democracy only incidentally: “In modern Western democracies,” she wrote, “the right to rule is granted, at least in theory, by different forms of competition: campaigning and voting, meritocratic tests that determine access to higher education and the civil service, free markets.” She is right about the voting. But the rest of her description, while it describes a variety of successful and unsuccessful regimes, has little to do with democracy. Neither success in the free market nor good exam results grants one the “right to rule.” But it was easy to wish they did, because if they did, then the crude, uncredentialed people walking the halls of power in Warsaw and Budapest were not just unedifying but illegitimate."
https://www.claremont.org/crb/article/w
"Applebaum, attentive and logical in all her books about Eastern Europe, showed little perspective or sense of context in writing about contemporary political clashes. She denounced the Polish and Hungarian upstarts as a threat to democracy, comparing them to Lenin’s Bolsheviks, Hitler’s Germany, and Apartheid South Africa.
The anti-immigration bent of Poland’s ruling party she described as a sort of collective delusion: “The refugee wave that has hit other European countries has not been felt here at all,” she wrote. But this is wrong. The refugee wave was felt in September 2015 when a government led by Ewa Kopacz of Poland’s Civic Platform (P.O.) party broke from the common position it had agreed with Hungary, Slovakia, and the Czech Republic, and cast the deciding vote to approve a European Union plan to distribute Merkel’s refugees Europe-wide, including into Poland. A headline in the weekly magazine wSieci showed Kopacz dressed in a burqa, alongside a headline reading: “Ewa Kopacz will follow Germany’s orders and ensure we live in hell.” At elections a month later, P.O. lost a third of its seats. Its despised rivals, the PiS, were given an absolute majority on the strength of a promise (thus far kept) to resist plans for the importation of Germany’s migrants into Poland. Orbán, similarly, holds great power in Hungary not because he “respects no restraints of any kind,” as Applebaum would have it, but because he has won three consecutive democratic elections by wide margins, including a historic rout in 2010 that provided him with a legislative majority large enough to rewrite the constitution. If the rise of the PiS and of Fidesz is a problem, it is a problem of democracy, not for democracy.
Those who succeed in the freewheeling, global-capitalist economy are understandably eager to import its rules into republican politics, where they can be illogical and corrosive. Applebaum’s mistake was to misapply the word “democracy” to a set of capitalist virtues that relate to democracy only incidentally: “In modern Western democracies,” she wrote, “the right to rule is granted, at least in theory, by different forms of competition: campaigning and voting, meritocratic tests that determine access to higher education and the civil service, free markets.” She is right about the voting. But the rest of her description, while it describes a variety of successful and unsuccessful regimes, has little to do with democracy. Neither success in the free market nor good exam results grants one the “right to rule.” But it was easy to wish they did, because if they did, then the crude, uncredentialed people walking the halls of power in Warsaw and Budapest were not just unedifying but illegitimate."
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