October 7th, 2009

October 2, 2009, 6:30 am

A Dearth of Woman Philosophers

Today’s idea: Do women shun philosophy because of its climate of aggressive argumentation? Some academics think so.

DESCRIPTIONLester Kraus Ayn Rand: no wallflower, she. But what of other philosophical women?

Philosophy | Writing in The Philosophers’ Magazine, Brooke Lewis says tallies of full-time faculty at top American and British colleges show women make up less than a fifth of philosophy departments in Britain and little more than that in the United States. This suggests “that gender representation is far less balanced in philosophy than it is in many other humanities subjects.”

What’s going on? Helen Beebee, director of the British Philosophical Association, says one reason may be that women are turned off by a culture of aggressive argument particular to philosophy, which grows increasingly more pronounced at the postgraduate level. “I can remember being a Ph.D. student and giving seminar papers and just being absolutely terrified that I was going to wind up intellectually beaten to a pulp by the audience,” she says. “I can easily imagine someone thinking, ‘This is just ridiculous. Why would I want to pursue a career where I open myself up to having my work publicly trashed on a regular basis?’ ”

Meantime, Australian philosophers — typically “direct, unpretentious, and no-nonsense” in style — seem to be the hot export to American universities, a separate article says. On the Other Hand Dept.: Not all are men.

http://ideas.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/10/02/a-dearth-of-women-philosophers/

Moral luck

The Problem with Polanski
The debate over the director isn't new — it all started 200 years ago.


Roman Polanski may have finally turned out to be morally unlucky. Let me explain what I mean.

When Immanuel Kant was thinking about morality, lo those many years ago in Königsburg, he made an important distinction. Morality, he reasoned, cannot be about what actually happens in the world — it has to be about the pure moral will. Here's why. Let's say I walk out of the house on my way to murder as many people as possible. I trip over a vagrant and accidentally push a small child. The child falls down and thus narrowly misses being decapitated by a falling sheet of glass. Whoopee, I'm the moral hero of the day, having saved the little tyke's life.

"No way," says Kant. I am still morally bad because I was a murderous fiend in intent, even as I saved the tiny crumb snatcher. Morality is about the purity of my choices and decisions, not about happenstance. One can’t be accidentally good, or bad.

A century and a half or so after Kant, Bernard Williams — a Cambridge man who eventually ends up at Berkeley in the 1980s — thinks about moral philosophy and warms his disapproval of strict Kantians. For Williams, outcomes matter. Let’s say, after inadvertently preventing the gruesome decapitation of the child, I intend to resume my killing spree but, curses! my weapon jams. According to Williams I am less morally culpable (as an attempted murderer) than if I actually achieved the intended body count (as a first-degree murderer). Outcomes matter, and we prove it in the way we treat crime and justice all the time.

In one of Williams' examples, we consider the painter Gauguin. He leaves his wife and children (a morally lousy act) in order to paint young, scantily clad native beauties in the Pacific isles. The morality changes according to what he accomplishes. If he stinks, if he can't paint a lick, then he has simply done a bad thing. If he becomes one of the great painters of his age, the moral impact of his original decision becomes, at the least, less black and white. Moral luck also matters. Circumstances beyond our control have a determining effect on our moral judgments.

Fast-forward a few more years to New York City, somewhere in the vicinity of Washington Square Park. Thomas Nagel (another philosopher) is thinking about moral luck. Considering Bernard Williams, Nagel realizes that the moral luck issue brings up an even deeper problem with morality. On one hand, we are all people; we know what it is like to act. We know we're responsible when we do something good, or something bad. On the other hand, we all live in the world. We see that people are a product of circumstances, history, and a million other determining factors. We can see that every decision a person makes is affected by so many other factors beyond their control that we lose touch with the individual moral responsibility. Here's Nagel:

About ourselves we feel pride, shame, guilt, remorse — and agent-regret. … And this remains true even when we have seen that we are not responsible for our own existence, or our nature, or the choices we have to make, or the circumstances that give our acts the consequences they have. Those acts remain ours and we remain ourselves, despite the persuasiveness of the reasons that seem to argue us out of existence. … The inclusion of consequences in the conception of what we have done is an acknowledgment that we are parts of the world, but the paradoxical character of moral luck which emerges from this acknowledgment shows that we are unable to operate with such a view, for it leaves us with no one to be.

We know about moral responsibility because we feel it, we experience the shame and pride of our moral decisions. But when we consider individual actions in a greater context, in terms of the world around us, the individual moral responsibility fades away and we see all the other causes for the way people act.

Roman Polanski, since being arrested in Switzerland for his rape of a 13-year-old, is being argued in and out of existence. On the one side, there is the act. Roman Polanski, a human being, did something terrible. He made a morally contemptible decision, him, alone, inside his own head. Here's Kate Harding, for instance, at Salon:

Roman Polanski may be a great director, an old man, a husband, a father, a friend to many powerful people, and even the target of some questionable legal shenanigans. He may very well be no threat to society at this point. He may even be a good person on balance, whatever that means. But none of that changes the basic, undisputed fact: Roman Polanski raped a child. And rushing past that point to focus on the reasons why we should forgive him, pity him, respect him, admire him, support him, whatever, is absolutely twisted.

That is to argue Polanski into existence. There is Polanski and there is his act of rape, irreducible. To bring in other factors would be to dilute the way in which his acts are his own, the way in which his self and moral responsibility are intertwined. Thus the power and the immediacy of the statement, "Roman Polanski raped a child."

But here's what Anne Applebaum wrote in The Washington Post:

He can be blamed, it is true, for his original, panicky decision to flee. But for this decision I see mitigating circumstances, not least an understandable fear of irrational punishment. Polanski's mother died in Auschwitz. His father survived Mauthausen. He himself survived the Krakow ghetto, and later emigrated from communist Poland. His pregnant wife, Sharon Tate, was murdered in 1969 by the followers of Charles Manson, though for a time Polanski himself was a suspect.

Similar thoughts have been voiced by Patrick Goldstein in The Los Angeles Times, by French Culture Minister Frédéric Mitterrand, and many others. Here, Roman Polanski fades away, replaced by personal history, trauma, social history, unbelievable tragedy. Roman Polanski is not so much a person as a swirling collection of forces: Auschwitz, Krakow, Manson, Cinema, etc. Here, one does not want to say, "Roman Polanski raped a child," so much as "a child was raped in an ongoing story that begins, at the earliest, with the death camps of the Third Reich."

It is probably no surprise that this moral battle, the arguing in and out of Roman Polanski's existence, plays itself out in a broader civilizational dispute between Europe and America. In a piece for Time, Bruce Crumley wrote:

"To the French mind, this has made Polanski a combination of Oscar Wilde and Alfred Dreyfus — the victim of systematic persecution," [Ted] Stanger says. "To the American mind, he's proof that no one is above the law." That's a perception gap as wide as the Atlantic.

As the problem of moral luck shows us, it is wider even than that. It gets down to the very root of what you think a person is, to what you make of the very concept of moral responsibility.

Many years ago Mark Twain, writing about his days on the Mississippi River, noted that "a pilot, in those days, was the only unfettered and entirely independent human being that lived on earth." That's been an American ideal ever since. We're always looking for the human being in the purity of that individual existence, the self and the act and the simplicity that comes of those two real things.

Around the same time that Mark Twain was thinking about the Mississippi, Nietzsche was penning the following thoughts:

Actions are never what they appear to us to be! We have expended so much labor on learning that external things are not as they appear to us to be — very well! The case is the same with the inner world! Moral actions are in reality “something other than that” — more we cannot say: and all actions are essentially unknown.

The person dissolves again in the infinity of causes, the maelstrom of countless forces and motivations. All of this is little help to Roman Polanski or the young girl (now a middle-aged woman) he raped. But here we are again, after more than 200 years of sustained discussion on the matter, still trying to figure out how and why we act, still trying to navigate between the irreducibility of our moral responsibility and its annoying elusiveness. The idea of moral luck haunts us because it brings together two things we're pretty sure are true — that humans are both morally responsible and a product of greater forces — without any clue of how to fit them together. Moral luck shouldn't exist, but it does, and Roman Polanski's may have run out. • 2 October 2009




Morgan Meis is a founding member of Flux Factory, an arts collective in New York. He has written for The Believer, Harper’s, and The Virginia Quarterly Review. Morgan is also an editor at 3 Quarks Daily. He can be reached at morganmeis@gmail.com.

http://www.thesmartset.com/article/article10020901.aspx

Grayling par Polanski

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From
September 29, 2009

Should Roman Polanski have to pay for crimes he committed 30 years ago?

We may be tempted to forgive a misdemeanour from decades ago. But if the offence is heinous, society must stand firm

Should the law still seek and prosecute people for crimes committed a long time ago? Let us first clarify one thing about the case of Roman Polanski: the film director was convicted of a crime, and skipped the jurisdiction before he could be made to pay the penalty for it. His is not a case where it is still moot whether he committed a crime or not: he pleaded guilty. Nor therefore is it a case where a “statute of limitations” might apply, that is, a statute saying that a prosecution can only be brought against a person within a certain period after a crime occurred.

In any case, statutes of limitations generally only apply to lesser crimes, called “misdemeanours” or summary offences, as opposed to more serious “felonies” or indictable offences. Polanski pleaded guilty to a felony, namely, the statutory rape of a 13-year-old girl. He is, in effect, an escaped prisoner who has not paid the penalty for a serious crime.

But the Polanski arrest prompts us to revisit the question of the passage of time and the execution of justice, especially as most people seem to think that Polanski’s offence was committed so long ago, and he has made so many valuable cultural contributions since, that the matter should be dropped. What use, they ask, would it do now to send him to prison? Is it even fair, after all this time?

As so often in thinking about such matters, the answer is that it depends on the nature of the case. Few people would be inclined to forgive and forget in the case of Nazi SS officers who committed atrocities during the Second World War. If a former Nazi mass murderer is found, he is arrested and prosecuted no matter what his age and condition of health. Why? Because the Nazi crimes are the kind that we cannot forgive, and we try to prevent them happening again by stating clearly that perpetrators of them will never be safe from prosecution: for such crimes there is no forgetting, no time limit and no hiding place.

The point is that prosecuting such crimes has a point and purpose now and for the future. It is a matter quite independent of how long ago the crimes were committed. We prosecute and punish in order to maintain our determination not to countenance such crimes. Part of the intention is to make permanent liability to prosecution a deterrent.

This applies to all serious crimes. Rape, murder, child abuse, genocide and crimes against humanity are too serious to allow the mere passage of time to weaken a society’s stand against them. It would be a mistake to see this as an austere refusal to be forgiving. We should indeed be far more forgiving as a society about many more things. We have too many categories of crime now, we have far too many people in prison, and society is far too unforgiving of things that should not be crimes at all: the example of using the criminal law to deal with drugs and prostitution is a glaring case in point.

But for serious crimes against the person — rape, murder, genocide — there is every justification for a robust and unyielding refusal to let anyone ever escape punishment for them. This holds even when the victims of such crimes, long afterwards, say that they no longer wish to see the perpetrator punished. In their kind and forgiving attitude towards the criminal, they inadvertently forgive the crime; that is something society should not do.

When it is unlikely that the perpetrator of a past crime will reoffend, when social attitudes have changed towards what was once regarded as a crime (such as homosexual practices), or when time has effaced or remedied whatever harm was done by a crime in the past, there is a case for forgiving and forgetting. An old man is unlikely to repeat the follies of youth; it would be wrong to pursue a seventy-year-old for a charge of assault and battery laid when he was aged 20. But if the seventy-year-old was found by DNA evidence to have committed a rape or a murder at age 20, he should most certainly be held to account.

Once again, the point is only partly to punish the perpetrator himself; it is as important to signal the continued resolution of society that there will be no hiding place — not even advanced age — for those who do serious harm to others.

The same principle should also, and for the same reason, apply to tyrants who commit crimes against humanity in their own countries. They should be afraid to set foot across their borders, knowing that the rest of the world will pounce on them and prosecute them. General Pinochet escaped justice by the subterfuge of claiming ill health, but not even that should have prevented prosecution: it is the crime as much as the criminal that matters.

It is easy for people to be swayed by considerations of personality in such cases as the Polanski arrest. In general the law does well if it addresses itself to individuals and their circumstances rather than imposing rigid blanket laws that contradict justice as often as they serve it, precisely because they ignore the special individual circumstances. But with the great crimes of rape, murder and genocide, prosecution and punishment are about society’s struggle to protect itself now and in the future against the worst aspects of its own members’ behaviour. There is room for a degree of compassion towards prisoners even if they have committed monstrous crimes, but there is no room for failing to punish the crime itself.

In line with these thoughts, and with the regret that comes from having to acknowledge yet set aside two things, namely the existence of human frailty and the contribution gifted individuals such as Roman Polanski make to society, I conclude that it is right that the United States authorities are seeking to extradite him to serve his sentence for rape. Neither fame nor wealth, neither time nor distance, should render anyone immune to laws protecting against serious crimes against other human beings.

A. C. Grayling is Professor of Philosophy at Birkbeck, University of London

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